Objective: For prevention of obesity in Chinese population, it is necessary to define the optimal range of healthy weight and the appropriate cut-off points of body mass index (BMI) and waist circumference for Chinese adults. The Working Group on Obesity in China (WGOC) under the support of International Life Sciences Institute Focal point in China organized a meta-analysis on the relation between BMI, waist circumference and risk factors of related chronic diseases.
index of movies sex
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Height was measured by a stadiometer (Harpenden Ltd., Crymych, UK) to the nearest 0.1 cm. Weight was measured on a digital scale with a precision of 0.1 kg (SECA, model 707). Body mass index (BMI) was calculated as weight (kilograms) divided by height (meters) squared.
By the 1970s black moviegoers had tired of cinematic portrayals of blacks as Mammies, Toms, Tragic Mulattoes, and Picaninnies. In the 1970s blacks willingly, though unwittingly, exchanged the old negative caricatures for new ones: Brutes, Bucks, and Jezebels. These new caricatures were popularized by the two hundred mostly B-grade films now labeled blaxploitation movies.
These movies supposedly depicted realistic black experiences; however, many were produced and directed by whites. Daniel J. Leab (1976), the movie historian, noted, "Whites packaged, financed, and sold these films, and they received the bulk of the big money"(p. 259). The world depicted in blaxploitation movies included corrupt police and politicians, pimps, drug dealers, violent criminals, prostitutes, and whores. In the main, these movies were low-budget, formulaic interpretations of black life by white producers, directors, and distributors. Black actors and actresses, many unable to find work in mainstream movies, found work in blaxploitation movies. Black patrons supported these movies because they showed blacks fighting the "white establishment," resisting police corruption, acting assertively, and having sex lives.
Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song was originally rated X. After decades of asexual and desexualized black Tom characters, black audiences were ready for a sexually assertive black male movie character. Sweet was reared in a brothel. In one flashback scene, a ten-year-old Sweet (played by Van Peebles' real life son, Mario) is graphically taught how to make love by an older prostitute. Sweetback is slang for "large penis" and "great lovemaking ability." Much of the movie centers on Sweet's lovemaking abilities, and this movie helped promote the "black sex machine" characterization of black men common in later movies. Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song also gave impetus to cinematic portrayals of black women as Jezebel whores. According to Donald Bogle (1994), a film historian:
The commercial success of Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song inspired many imitators. A formula for these "black action" movies emerged: a justifiably angry black male seeks revenge on corrupt white police officers, politicians, or drug dealers. In the process of extracting revenge his political consciousness is raised and he has numerous sexual exploits. Although this formula was aided by Van Peebles, a black man, it served as the template for the whites who wrote, directed, and produced blaxploitation movies.
The movies that followed Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song increasingly limited black actresses to Jezebel type roles. Lynn Hamilton, a black actress, auditioned for the role of a "strong Angela Davis type." At the beginning of the audition she was asked if she would play nude scenes. She said of the role and character: "Here is this woman who holds all kinds of academic degrees and has a high position opening the door totally nude to admit her boyfriend, a policeman. The first thing he says is, 'Fix me some breakfast"(Knight, 1974, p. 142). She fries bacon, grease splattering, while her boyfriend fondles her breasts and buttocks.
Many black women in these blaxploitation movies functioned as "sexual fodder," legitimizing the street credentials of the black male superhero. Even when black women were the central characters of the movies, they were still portrayed as sexually aggressive, often deviants. Black actresses such as Pam Grier and Tamara Dobson built their acting careers starring in blaxploitation movies. Their characters resembled those of the male superheroes: they were physically attractive and aggressive rebels, willing and able to gain revenge against corrupt officials, drug dealers, and violent criminals. According to Donald Bogle (1994):
The portrayal of black women as sexually lascivious became commonplace in American movies. Grier, for example, in Coffy (Papazian & Hill, 1973) and Foxy Brown (Feitshans & Hill, 1974) goes undercover as a "whore" to get revenge on whites who have victimized her loved ones. In The Big Bird Cage (Santiago, Shaffer & Hill, 1972), Carol Speed plays a spunky black hooker inmate. The 1973 movie Black Hooker (Holsen & Roberson) is a movie about a "white" boy whose mother is an uncaring black whore. In the made-for-television movie, Dummy (Tidyman & Perry, 1979), Irma Riley plays a Black prostitute. Lisa Bonet, one of the daughters on the Cosby show, plays a voodoo priestess in Angel Heart (Kastner, Marshall & Parker, 1987). Her character, Epiphany Proudfoot, has a sexual episode with Harry Angel (Mickey Rourke) that was so graphic that the movie almost received an X rating. In Harlem Nights (Lipsky, Wachs & Murphy, 1989), Sunshine (played by Lela Rochon) is a prostitute so skilled that a white lover calls his wife on the telephone to tell her that he is never returning home.
The obligatory "black whore" is added to urban-themed movies, apparently to give "real life" authenticity. In the classic movie Taxi Driver (Phillips, Phillips & Scorsese, 1976), a black hooker (Copper Cunningham) has sex with a white businessman in the backseat of the taxi driven by Travis Bickle (Robert De Niro). The sex act is offered as evidence of the moral decline and decadence of America. Bickle washes his taxi after the sex act. Hazelle Goodman plays Cookie, a hooker in Woody Allen's Deconstructing Harry (Doumanian & Allen, 1997). When Cookie is asked if she knows what a black hole is, she replies, "what I make my living with." In the credits listed for Dangerous Ground (Gorfil, Roodt & Roodt, 1997), Temsie Times is listed as "Black Hooker." Cathy Tyson, the niece of actress Cicely Tyson, got her first major role as a sophisticated call girl in Mona Lisa (Cassavetti, Woolley & Jordan, 1986). The racial and sexual stereotypes depicted in these and similar movies find their fuller, clearer expression in low-budget pornographic movies.
The pornography industry remains a bastion of explicit anti-black stereotyping - raw, obscene, and increasing mainstreamed. Many of the heterosexual themed movies in the American pornographic market have white actresses; however, there are hundreds of pornographic movies that also depict black women as "sexual things" - and as "sexual animals." Internet "stores" sell videos with titles like Black Chicks in Heat, Black Bitches, Hoochie Mamas, Video Sto' Ho, Black and Nasty, South Central Hookers, and Git Yo' Ass On Da Bus! In the privacy of their homes or hotel rooms, Americans can watch black actresses - Purple Passion, Jamaica, Toy, Chocolate Tye, Juicy, Jazz, Spontaneeus Xtasy, and others - "validate" the belief that black women are whores. Most of the black actresses in mainstream movies who play Jezebel roles - especially those with interracial sex scenes - are light skinned or brown skinned women; however, most of the black women in pornographic movies are brown skinned and dark skinned women.
The Jezebel has replaced the Mammy as the dominant image of black women in American popular culture. The black woman as prostitute, for example, is a staple in mainstream movies, especially those with urban settings. The black prostitute and the black pimp supposedly give these movies cutting edge realism. Small budget pornographic movies reinforce vile sexual stereotypes of black women. These women are willing, sometimes predatory, sexual deviants who will fulfill any and all sexual fantasies. Their sexual performances tap into centuries-old images of black women as uninhibited whores. Televised music videos, especially those by gangsta rap performers, portray scantily clad, nubile black women who thrust their hips to lyrics which often depict them as 'hos, skeezers, and bitches. A half century after the American civil rights movement, it is increasingly easy to find black women, especially young ones, depicted as Jezebels whose only value is as sexual commodities.
The gesture refers to the sex act of inserting the index and middle fingers into a partner's vagina and the little finger into their anus, the latter of which is presumed to "shock" them. If the thumb is extended, it refers to simultaneously stimulating their clitoris.[2] The hand gesture is not necessarily practical for the sex act it represents, however.[2][3]
Note that these tropes have all real life examples blocked, per the Content Policynote Of all the tropes in this category, only 30-something aren't explicitly listed in the NRLEP index, and all of these (like Sexophone) are not about the process itself. See also No Real Life / Sex, Sexuality, and Rape Tropes.
Ju Mizuno,1 Toru Takahashi2 1Department of Anesthesiology and Pain Medicine, Juntendo University Faculty of Medicine, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 2Faculty of Health and Welfare Science, Okayama Prefectural University, Soja-shi, Okayama, Japan Background: Well-leg compartment syndrome (WLCS) is one of the catastrophic complications related to prolonged surgical procedures performed in the lithotomy position, using a knee-crutch-type leg holder (KCLH) system, to support the popliteal fossae and calf regions. Obesity has been implicated as a risk factor in the lithotomy position-related WLCS during surgery. In the present study, we investigated the relationship between the external pressure (EP) applied to the calf region using a KCLH system in the lithotomy position and selected physical characteristics. Methods: Twenty-one young, healthy volunteers (21.40.5 years of age, eleven males and ten females) participated in this study. The KCLH system used was Knee Crutch. We assessed four types of EPs applied to the calf region: box pressure, peak box pressure, contact pressure, and peak contact pressure, using pressure-distribution measurement system (BIG-MAT). Relationships between these four EPs to the calf regions of both lower legs and a series of physical characteristics (sex, height, weight, and body mass index [BMI]) were analyzed. Results: All four EPs applied to the bilateral calf regions were higher in males than in females. For all subjects, significant positive correlations were observed between all four EPs and height, weight, and BMI. Conclusion: EP applied to the calf region is higher in males than in females when the subject is supported by a KCLH system in the lithotomy position. In addition, EP increases with the increase in height, weight, and BMI. Therefore, male sex, height, weight, and BMI may contribute to the risk of inducing WLCS. Keywords: well-leg compartment syndrome, pressure-distribution measurement system, peak contact pressure, physical characteristics, obesity 2ff7e9595c
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